Bani Khoshnoudi: consequences for the Iranian opposition

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With opposition fragmented and the regime intent on crushing it, it is difficult to be hopeful in Iran. The youth have not resigned themselves to a return of the Shah nor to the existing repression, but progress will be slow.

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Graham Douglas.‍ ‍

The enthusiasm among some Iranians, especially those living in Iran for the son of the Shah to return has proved temporary, while the opposition becomes more fragmented into extremes, including the MEK.‍ She criticizes leftish factions who are willing to take positions, with simplistic reactionary and even fascistic tendencies with no consideration of underlying class issues. Nationalism of this kind passes over the struggles of the Women Life Freedom movement. ‍Despite the destruction of the war and the brutal repression by the Iranian regime, she sees hope in young people who will eventually overcome the suicidal nihilism of the extreme Islamist regime.‍‍ ‍

Looking at the current situation in the context of Iran’s history of anti-colonial struggle, is it possible to see new alignments emerging in the region, in opposition to the US and Israel and US bases in the Gulf?‍ ‍

Alignments, I don’t know, because I think of international struggle on a different level. Power always finds its alignments, and it usually has to do with control, domination, suppression and corruption across the board. But, yes, there is definitely a resurgence of left solidarity, but the problem I see here, is again that a part of the decolonial left (those who foster reactionary views) is willing to accept fascism in places that are not white, just because they are not white. These people usually reduce everything to dichotomies, simplistic language, and for me it is the worst kind of brutishness that we are witnessing these days. A right-wing fascist is easy to recognize, but a left-wing apologist is also conservative and reactionary, while often playing the victim as well. This distances us from celebrating and thinking of the anti-fascist and freedom struggles (from slave revolts to Women Life Freedom) that are important, while bringing out flags and nationalism that keeps so many (whether in Iran or elsewhere) under harsh oppressive conditions. Nobody thinks about the workers here, either. If you ask a worker, you usually get the best position politically, as they are the ones who have paid the price for so much politics and war. ‍ ‍

Many features of international trade are being brought into focus by the war, but the BRICS countries seem divided, even though the US also attacked Venezuela, do you see this changing?‍ ‍

I am by far not an expert on the issues of trade and oil, but I think that countries act in their own interest and opportunistically at the national level. There was at one point an idea of anti-globalization movements and solidarity that could influence global politics, but I think that most countries are on the highway to destruction, in terms of labour, climate, migration, everything that is being exacerbated by so much indulgence in a way of life at any cost. ‍ ‍

What has the war done to relations between social classes in Iran?‍ ‍

The middle class is disappearing, the workers are of course always the most downtrodden, and so many are now out of work. I don’t know how the war has impacted directly class relationships, but there is of course a tension between solidarity and desperation. I believe in the culture of giving and sharing in Iran, but the corruption at the top, hiding behind its fake piety and theatrics of Islamism, has touched all parts of society now. Never has Iran and its society been so corrupt economically speaking. This will only get worse with harder conditions, war and internal threats. The government is also confiscating the property and assets of anyone they accuse of being against them. Imagine what this does to social coherence. ‍ ‍

You used the idea of the vanishing point in your film, suspended in time, where our vison of the future is difficult to connect with collective history – how is this affected by the current war.‍ ‍

The suspension takes on another meaning now. The collective history is still there; there have quickly been new atrocities added to those that I documented, yet the government and their apologists are trying to put smoke in our eyes, once again. The vision, nonetheless, gets clearer and clearer.  Killers have embraced a war coming from foreign powers, because it allows them to keep on killing. Yet, whether it be the Iranian regime or Israel, I believe that the killing game will catch up with them. This has now become a suicidal path, one that I don’t know if I will live to witness, but generations to come will never forget the genocides committed by Israel for land-grabbing, nor the massacres and executions by the Islamic Republic. One day life will triumph over these death cults.‍‍ ‍

Will young people emerge from this war totally devoid of hope and open to all kinds of violence or a passive generation?‍ ‍

Young people have never been passive. That is why the regime is killing them younger and younger.  As long as there is life, there is hope, and of course determination.

This was first published in The Prisma multicultural newspaper, where it can be read with images and links:

https://theprisma.co.uk/2026/06/01/bani-khoshnoudi-consequences-for-the-iranian-opposition/

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